Many Christians are uneasy about the ways faith and politics are increasingly intertwined. Progressive Christianity seems, to some, to hollow out biblical teaching in the name of inclusion. Christian nationalism, by contrast, appears to harden faith into a cultural or national identity.
Despite their differences, both raise a serious concern: what happens when Christianity is shaped more by contemporary politics than by the gospel itself?
Progressive Christianity emerged... from commendable instincts.
Progressive Christianity emerged, at least in part, from commendable instincts. It sought to challenge historic injustices, address the legacy of patriarchy and colonialism, and emphasize equality and care for the marginalized. Many Christians rightly recognized the need for repentance and reform.
Scripture is reinterpreted until it rarely contradicts the prevailing cultural mood.
Yet in practice, progressive Christianity often traveled far beyond critique. In the name of inclusion, it came to affirm abortion, same-sex marriage, and considerable sexual autonomy. Biblical authority is rarely rejected outright but steadily displaced by personal experience and contemporary moral intuition. Scripture is reinterpreted until it rarely contradicts the prevailing cultural mood.
Christian nationalism... reacts against moral chaos, cultural fragmentation, and the erosion of shared values.
Christian nationalism begins from different concerns. It reacts against moral chaos, cultural fragmentation, and the erosion of shared values. It speaks about the importance of law, order, national borders, and the Christian inheritance of Western societies. These instincts are not groundless. Christians should care about the common good and the moral foundations of public life.
The cross becomes entangled with the flag, and the kingdom of God confused with the fortunes of a particular nation.
But concern can slide into confusion. Christian nationalism often drifts towards calls for preferential treatment, nostalgia for a supposedly Christian past, and sometimes an ethnic or cultural nationalism thinly disguised in religious language. The cross becomes entangled with the flag, and the kingdom of God confused with the fortunes of a particular nation.
Both movements practice identity politics.
At this point, the similarities become harder to ignore. Both movements practice identity politics. One waves rainbow flags, the other national flags. One centers marginalized sexual identities; the other elevates national or ethnic identity. In both cases, faith risks becoming a badge of belonging rather than a call to repentance and discipleship.
Both struggle with truth when it threatens the narrative.
Both struggle with truth when it threatens the narrative. Progressive Christianity finds it difficult to maintain moral and biological clarity under cultural pressure. Appeals to so-called “lived experience” and personal authenticity are allowed to outweigh empirical reality and Christian teaching, particularly on questions of sex, the body, and the unborn.
Christian nationalism can fall into similar distortions. The Christian character of Britain is often overstated, while colonial history is selectively remembered and claims about popular support exaggerated. Underlying these moves is a fearful approach to belonging, in which questions about who truly belongs are answered in a defensive and exclusionary way.
In both movements, culture and politics begin to lead, and scripture is then used to support conclusions already reached.
The deeper problem is theological. In both movements, culture and politics begin to lead, and scripture is then used to support conclusions already reached. Progressive Christianity allows secular moral instincts to shape how the Bible is read. Christian nationalism allows cultural fears and tribal loyalties to do the same.
Both end up shrinking the gospel.
In different ways, both end up shrinking the gospel. Progressive Christianity empties it of moral challenge, offering affirmation without repentance. Christian nationalism narrows its scope, tethering the good news to a particular people, place, or past.
Belonging not through identity politics but through the cross, where Christ makes one new humanity.
The gospel resists both distortions. It calls us to love our neighbor (including the immigrant, the stranger, and the vulnerable) without abandoning moral clarity. It affirms the goodness of nationhood and culture without idolizing them. It offers belonging not through identity politics but through the cross, where Christ makes one new humanity from every tribe and tongue.
The real danger for the Church is not that one side will win the culture war, but that in fighting it we forget who we are. When Christian thinking is shaped more by party politics than by the gospel, we should not be surprised if distorted reflections of Christianity (progressive or nationalist) stare back at us.
Originally published by EAUK. Republished with permission.
Peter Lynas oversees the advocacy team and the work of the Alliance across the four UK nations. He is passionate about faith in the public square and leads the Being Human project with Jo Frost. He previously worked as a barrister in Belfast before studying theology at Regent College in Vancouver, where he serves on the board. Peter is a regular media commentator, is married to Rose, has two daughters, and loves running.
The Evangelical Alliance in the United Kingdom is made up of hundreds of organisations, thousands of churches and tens of thousands of individuals, joined together for the sake of the gospel. Representing our members since 1846, the Evangelical Alliance is the oldest and largest evangelical unity movement in the UK. United in mission and voice, we exist to serve and strengthen the work of the church in our communities and throughout society. Highlighting the significant opportunities and challenges facing the church today, we work together to resource Christians so that they are able to act upon their faith in Jesus, to speak up for the gospel, justice and freedom in their areas of influence.
